R Vaidyanathan
December 11, 2008
The terror attack on world citizens at Mumbai has created revulsion and outrage all over the world. It is imperative that India seize the opportunity provided to destabilise Pakistan.
A stable Pakistan is not in the interest of world peace, leave alone India. Army controls the country and owns its economy.
A significant portion of its GDP is due to army-controlled entities (See: Military Inc - Inside Pakistan's Military Economy, by Ayesha Siddiqa; OUP; 2007). One can easily say that Pakistan economy and its Army/ISI are synonymous.
Unless this elementary fact is internalised, we are not going anywhere. This implies we should stop talking of a stable Pakistan since a stable Pakistan means multiple attacks on many more cities of India by that rogue organisation ISI, which is the core of the Pakistan Army and the heart of Pakistan's economy.
Let us not even assume that Zardari is in control. Poor man -- he did not trust his own investigators to probe his wife's assassination -- he wanted Scotland Yard to do the job. Now he blabbers that if his investigators are satisfied, then he will initiate action against terrorists sitting inside Pakistan.
Periodically, the Pakistan Army likes to present some useful idiots (as Lenin would have called them) as elected representatives and we swoon over such events.
India should take the following steps to destabilise the economy of Pakistan:
1. Identify the major export items of Pakistan (like Basmati rice, carpets, etc) and provide zero export tax or even subsidise them for export from India. Hurt Pakistan on the export front.
2. Identify the major countries providing arms to Pakistan and arm twist them. Tell Brazil and Germany (currently planning to supply massive defense items to Pakistan) that it will impact their ability to invest in India. Tell Germany that retail license to Metro will be off and other existing projects will be in jeopardy.
3. Incidentally, after the arrival of Coke and Pepsi in China, the human rights violations of China are not talked about much by US government organs. Think it is a coincidence? Unless we use our markets to arm-twist arms exporters to Pakistan, we will not achieve our objectives.
4. Tell American companies that for every 5% increase in FDI limit for them, their government needs to reduce equipping Pakistan by $5 billion. That is real politics, not whining. Let us remember that funds are in desperate search of emerging markets and not the other way about. Let us also remember that international economics is politics by another name.
5. Create assets to print/distribute their currency widely inside their country. To some extent, Telgi types can be used to outsource this activity. Or just drop their notes in remote areas.
6. Pressurise IMF to add additional conditionality to the loans given to them or at least do not vote for their loans.
7. Create assets within Pakistan to destabilise Karachi stock market - it is already in a shambles.
8. Cricket and Bollywood are the opium of the Indian middle classes. Both have been adequately manipulated/ controlled by the D-company since the eighties. Chase the D-company money in cricket/ Bollywood and punish by burning D-assets in India instead of trying to have them auctioned by the IT department when nobody comes to bid for it.
9. Provide for capital punishment to those who fund terror and help in that. We have the division in the finance ministry to monitor money laundering, etc. It is important that terror financing is taken seriously and fully integrated into money laundering monitoring systems and this division is provided with much larger budget and human resources. And it should coordinate with RAW.
10. Encourage and allow scientists/ academicians/ elites of Pakistan to opt for Indian passport and widely publicise that fact since it will hurt their self-respect and dignity. There will be a long queue to get Indian passports -- many will jump to get our passport -- since they will not be stopped at international airports. It is rumoured that Adnan Sami wants one. Do not give passports to all -- make it a prized possession. Let it hurt the army- and ISI-controlled country. This one step will destroy their identity and self-confidence.
11. Discourage companies from India from investing in Pakistan, particularly IT companies, till Pakistan stops exporting its own IT (international terrorism).
12. In all these, it is important that we do not bring in the domestic religious issues. The target is the terror central, namely Pakistan, and if there are elements helping them here then they also should be punished -- irrespective of religious labels. If Pakistan is dismantled and the idea of Pakistan is gone, many of our domestic issues will also be sorted out.
Will the Indian elite go for the jugular or just light more candles and scream at the formless/ nameless political class before TV cameras?
It is going to be a long haul and may be in a decade or so, we can find a solution to our existential crisis of being attacked by barbarians from the West. We need to combine strategy and patience and completely throw to the dustbin the 'Gujral Doctrine' by that mumbling prime minister about treating younger brothers with equanimity. The doctrine essentially suggests that if we are slapped on both the cheeks we should feel bad that we do not have a third cheek to show.
He, according to security experts, seems to have dismantled our human intelligent assets inside Pakistan, which has resulted in the gory death of thousands of Indian citizens in the last few years.
Such is our strategic thinking in this complex world since our political class is not adequately briefed and the elite don't think through issues. Better to be simple in our talks and vicious in our actions rather than the other way.
Hopefully, this November attack will create a new vibrant India capable of taking care of its own interests.
The author is professor of finance and control, Indian Institute of Management-Bangalore, and can be contacted at vaidya@iimb.ernet.in. The views are personal and do not reflect those of his organisation.
Wednesday, December 10, 2008
8 things India Inc, govt must do against Pakistan
R Vaidyanathan
December 10, 2008
The three-day-long terror strike on the country's financial capital was devastating in terms of its reach and impact. It has left Corporate India badly shaken and the elites numb.
It is no more about bombs being thrown at bus stations or trains getting blasted. It is no longer about only Nagpada or Govindpuri residents losing limbs and lives. Terror has now climbed up the value chain.
As the new age entrepreneur Kiran Majumdar Shaw told a Bangalore newspaper, "So far, the terrorists targeted common people. Now the society's elite, the business sector, is the target. What happened in Mumbai is a loud wake-up call for all of us to do something to protect ourselves."
Corporate India did not bat an eyelid when Mumbai train blasts took place, or when Sarojini Nagar was burning on a Diwali day, or Hyderabad was weeping two years before.
But today, every corporate captain is angry, and so are the celebrities who people Page 3 of newspapers, due largely because the attacks on the three top hotels were directly aimed at those who frequent these places, for business or pleasure (contrast this with the scant coverage of the carnage at the Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus, for example, where commoners were involved).
All the same, the bleeding-heart liberals would be back to their routine ways after a few days. They will lament that the captured terrorist has not been given his favourite food and not allowed to watch TV or use his cell phone; they will say his human rights are violated. Just wait for the chorus.
Of course, this time it will be between Page 3 and the jholawalas (activists) and that should be an interesting match to watch, but that's another story.
In the last ten years, not a single session of any seminar sponsored by the CII or Ficci or business/general journals has focussed on terrorism. When this writer once broached the importance of talking about it, a senior business captain said it is for the government to deal with.
Many of those seminars gave importance to Musharraf and now Zardari, as if they are going to provide any solution when they are a part of the problem.
Now, at least, terrorism is being realised as a problem facing the country.
Let us summarise what the real situation is and what the corporate sector should do if we are serious in fighting terrorism on our soil.
1. Recognise and treat Pakistan as a terrorist state. The state policy of Pakistan is terrorism and their single-point programme is to destroy India. This needs to be internalised by every business baron including the owners of media.
2. Now, the elite of Pakistan are more angry, since India is growing at 7% and they are given CCC rating and stiff conditions for borrowing from the IMF.
Many an academic from that country, who I have met in global conferences, has openly lamented that nobody talks about Indo-Pak relations anymore, but only Indo-China or Indo-American, etc. They want to be equal but they are in deep abyss.
3. Pakistan is the only territory in the world where an army has a whole country under its control. This is an important issue since studies have found that a large number of corporates in Pakistan are ultimately owned by the Fauji Foundation (FF), Army Welfare Trust (AWT) Bahria Foundation (BF), Shaheen Foundation (SF) all owned by different wings of armed forces (See paper presented by Dr Ayesha Siddiqa-Agha on 'Power, Perks, Prestige And Privileges: Military's Economic Activities In Pakistan' in The International Conference on Soldiers in Business -- Military as an Economic Actor; Jakarta, October 17-19, 2000).
Hence, do not try to think of Pakistan without its army, irrespective of who rules that country temporarily and nominally. At least 70% of the market capitalisation of the Karachi stock exchange is owned by the army and related groups.
4. There are three groups in India, who are obsessed with friendship with Pakistan. One is the oldies born in that part before partition and who are nostalgic about the Lahore havelis, halwas and mujras. The second is the Bollywood and other assorted groups, who look at it as a big market. The Dawood gang has financed enough of these useful idiots. The third is the candle light holding bleeding heart liberals (BHLs) who cannot imagine India doing well without its younger brother taken care of.
All three have been proved wrong hundreds of times, but they are also opinion makers. Shun them, avoid them and ridicule them.
5. We should categorically, unambiguously, unequivocally boycott Pakistan in all aspects for a decade or more. Be it art, music, economy, commerce, or other hand-holding activities. That army-controlled state has to realise that it has done enough damage to global civilisation.
More than 100 acts/attempts of terror recorded in the world since 9/11 have had their roots in Pakistan. More than 40% of the prisoners in Guantanamo are Pakistanis.
6. We should recognise that it is our war and nobody in the world is going to wage it on our behalf. What the Americans are thinking, or what the Britishers are going to do, will not help. A determined country should have a sense of dignity and independence to fight its war.
We should stop interviewing leaders from that country who mouth the same inanities that "you have not produced any proof." The Government of India should perhaps create a museum of proof between India Gate and North Block.
I am amazed that a country of a billion is required even to furnish proof. If one-sixth of humanity says that the terrorist state of Pakistan is the root cause of global terrorism -- it is factual. Let us not fall into the trap of providing proof to the culprits.
7. We should realise that a united Pakistan is a grave threat to the existence of India. Hence, we should do everything possible to break up Pakistan into several units. This is required to be done not only for our interest, but for world peace.
8. We have made a grave blunder by suggesting in the international fora that "Pakistan is also a victim of terror." That is a grave error and it will haunt us for decades. They are perpetrators and our government is in deep illusion if it tries to distinguish between organs of power in that country thinking it is like India.
There is only one organ, namely its army (with ISI as a sub-organ) in that country, which owns and controls at least 70% of the GDP in that country.
If we want the world to treat Pakistan for what it is, then we should start practising it. Always call it the 'terrorist state of Pakistan' and never have any illusion that it is going to be any different.
If corporate India, including electronic/ print media, starts practising this, we should see results in a few years. Are the elites listening?
The author is professor of finance and control, Indian Institute of Management-Bangalore, and can be contacted at vaidya@iimb.ernet.in. The views are personal and do not reflect those of his organisation.
December 10, 2008
The three-day-long terror strike on the country's financial capital was devastating in terms of its reach and impact. It has left Corporate India badly shaken and the elites numb.
It is no more about bombs being thrown at bus stations or trains getting blasted. It is no longer about only Nagpada or Govindpuri residents losing limbs and lives. Terror has now climbed up the value chain.
As the new age entrepreneur Kiran Majumdar Shaw told a Bangalore newspaper, "So far, the terrorists targeted common people. Now the society's elite, the business sector, is the target. What happened in Mumbai is a loud wake-up call for all of us to do something to protect ourselves."
Corporate India did not bat an eyelid when Mumbai train blasts took place, or when Sarojini Nagar was burning on a Diwali day, or Hyderabad was weeping two years before.
But today, every corporate captain is angry, and so are the celebrities who people Page 3 of newspapers, due largely because the attacks on the three top hotels were directly aimed at those who frequent these places, for business or pleasure (contrast this with the scant coverage of the carnage at the Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus, for example, where commoners were involved).
All the same, the bleeding-heart liberals would be back to their routine ways after a few days. They will lament that the captured terrorist has not been given his favourite food and not allowed to watch TV or use his cell phone; they will say his human rights are violated. Just wait for the chorus.
Of course, this time it will be between Page 3 and the jholawalas (activists) and that should be an interesting match to watch, but that's another story.
In the last ten years, not a single session of any seminar sponsored by the CII or Ficci or business/general journals has focussed on terrorism. When this writer once broached the importance of talking about it, a senior business captain said it is for the government to deal with.
Many of those seminars gave importance to Musharraf and now Zardari, as if they are going to provide any solution when they are a part of the problem.
Now, at least, terrorism is being realised as a problem facing the country.
Let us summarise what the real situation is and what the corporate sector should do if we are serious in fighting terrorism on our soil.
1. Recognise and treat Pakistan as a terrorist state. The state policy of Pakistan is terrorism and their single-point programme is to destroy India. This needs to be internalised by every business baron including the owners of media.
2. Now, the elite of Pakistan are more angry, since India is growing at 7% and they are given CCC rating and stiff conditions for borrowing from the IMF.
Many an academic from that country, who I have met in global conferences, has openly lamented that nobody talks about Indo-Pak relations anymore, but only Indo-China or Indo-American, etc. They want to be equal but they are in deep abyss.
3. Pakistan is the only territory in the world where an army has a whole country under its control. This is an important issue since studies have found that a large number of corporates in Pakistan are ultimately owned by the Fauji Foundation (FF), Army Welfare Trust (AWT) Bahria Foundation (BF), Shaheen Foundation (SF) all owned by different wings of armed forces (See paper presented by Dr Ayesha Siddiqa-Agha on 'Power, Perks, Prestige And Privileges: Military's Economic Activities In Pakistan' in The International Conference on Soldiers in Business -- Military as an Economic Actor; Jakarta, October 17-19, 2000).
Hence, do not try to think of Pakistan without its army, irrespective of who rules that country temporarily and nominally. At least 70% of the market capitalisation of the Karachi stock exchange is owned by the army and related groups.
4. There are three groups in India, who are obsessed with friendship with Pakistan. One is the oldies born in that part before partition and who are nostalgic about the Lahore havelis, halwas and mujras. The second is the Bollywood and other assorted groups, who look at it as a big market. The Dawood gang has financed enough of these useful idiots. The third is the candle light holding bleeding heart liberals (BHLs) who cannot imagine India doing well without its younger brother taken care of.
All three have been proved wrong hundreds of times, but they are also opinion makers. Shun them, avoid them and ridicule them.
5. We should categorically, unambiguously, unequivocally boycott Pakistan in all aspects for a decade or more. Be it art, music, economy, commerce, or other hand-holding activities. That army-controlled state has to realise that it has done enough damage to global civilisation.
More than 100 acts/attempts of terror recorded in the world since 9/11 have had their roots in Pakistan. More than 40% of the prisoners in Guantanamo are Pakistanis.
6. We should recognise that it is our war and nobody in the world is going to wage it on our behalf. What the Americans are thinking, or what the Britishers are going to do, will not help. A determined country should have a sense of dignity and independence to fight its war.
We should stop interviewing leaders from that country who mouth the same inanities that "you have not produced any proof." The Government of India should perhaps create a museum of proof between India Gate and North Block.
I am amazed that a country of a billion is required even to furnish proof. If one-sixth of humanity says that the terrorist state of Pakistan is the root cause of global terrorism -- it is factual. Let us not fall into the trap of providing proof to the culprits.
7. We should realise that a united Pakistan is a grave threat to the existence of India. Hence, we should do everything possible to break up Pakistan into several units. This is required to be done not only for our interest, but for world peace.
8. We have made a grave blunder by suggesting in the international fora that "Pakistan is also a victim of terror." That is a grave error and it will haunt us for decades. They are perpetrators and our government is in deep illusion if it tries to distinguish between organs of power in that country thinking it is like India.
There is only one organ, namely its army (with ISI as a sub-organ) in that country, which owns and controls at least 70% of the GDP in that country.
If we want the world to treat Pakistan for what it is, then we should start practising it. Always call it the 'terrorist state of Pakistan' and never have any illusion that it is going to be any different.
If corporate India, including electronic/ print media, starts practising this, we should see results in a few years. Are the elites listening?
The author is professor of finance and control, Indian Institute of Management-Bangalore, and can be contacted at vaidya@iimb.ernet.in. The views are personal and do not reflect those of his organisation.
Tuesday, December 9, 2008
कस्टम्स विभाग के आदेश से आसान हुई आतंकियों की राहें
7 Dec 2008, नवभारतटाइम्स.कॉम
नई दिल्ली : मुंबई में हुए भीषण आतंकी हमले के बाद सरकार यह पता लगाने में जुटी है कि आखिर उसकी विशाल प्रशासनिक मशीनरी के किस हिस्से से चूक हुई , वहीं मुंबई के कस्टम्स अधिकारियों का एक तबका इस उधेड़बुन में उलझा है कि कहीं इस चूक की एक वजह वह आदेश तो नहीं जो कुछ माह पहले उनके विभाग के एक बड़े अधिकारी ने जारी किया था ! इसी आदेश का नतीजा था कि आम तौर पर चौबीसो घंटे सतर्क और सक्रिय रहने वाले कस्टम्स विभाग ने मुंबई आतंकी हमलों से कुछ महीने पहले से ही गश्त और तलाशी का काम लगभग बंद कर रखा था।
भरोसेमंद सूत्रों के मुताबिक मुंबई के कस्टम्स कमिश्नर (प्रिवेंटिव) शोभा राम ने इसी साल 23 जुलाई को जारी किए गए निर्देश (निर्देश संख्या 01 / 2008 ; F No. CIU / XI-XVIII / 2008 / 657 ) में कहा कि जब तक कि एकदम पक्की और डीआरआई - 1 फॉरमैट में लिखित रूप में दर्ज सूचना न हो , गश्त के दौरान कस्टम्स अधिकारियों को किसी कंटेनर या वाहन को रोकने या उसकी तलाशी लेने की इजाज़त नहीं होगी।
इस आदेश में यह भी कहा गया है कि अगर किसी अधिकारी ने पर्याप्त अधिकार और पूर्व इजाज़त के बगैर किसी वाहन को रोका या उसकी तलाशी ली तो उसके खिलाफ अनुशासनात्मक कार्रवाई की जाएगी।
गौरतलब है कि 1993 के मुंबई बम धमाकों का कड़वा अनुभव होने (तब भी समुद्री मार्ग से ही विस्फोटक मुंबई पहुंचाए गए थे) और बेंगलुरु , अहमदाबाद , दिल्ली जैसे शहरों में हुए बम धमाकों के बाद मुंबई में ऐसे किसी हमले की आशंका होने के कारण कस्टम्स अधिकारी महसूस कर रहे थे कि उन्हें और अलर्ट होकर काम करना चाहिए। लेकिन , इस आदेश ने उनके हाथ-पांव बांध रखे थे।
बताया जाता है कि यह आदेश कुछ कस्टम्स अधिकारियों की हरकतों पर रोक लगाने के लिए लाया गया था जो जांच-पड़ताल के नाम पर हर कंटेनर या वाहन को रोक देते थे और पैसे वसूल करके ही उसे छोड़ते थे। लेकिन इसने विभाग के उन अधिकारियों को भी अपना काम करने से रोक दिया जो टूटी-फूटी पुरानी बोटें और पेट्रॉल की कमी जैसी बाधाओं के बावजूद अपनी सक्रियता कम नहीं होने दे रहे थे।
इस लिखित आदेश का नतीजा यह निकला कि कस्टम्स विभाग के प्रिवेंटिव विंग की देखरेख में चलने वाला तटीय क्षेत्रों की निगरानी का काम लगभग ठप हो गया। इस आदेश ने वाहनों की चेकिंग ही नहीं , गश्त के काम पर भी असर डाला था। आदेश के अनुसार अफसरों को किसी वाहन की तलाशी से पहले डीआरआई-1 (डाइरेक्टरेट ऑफ रेवेन्यू इंटेलिजेंस प्रिसक्राइब्ड फॉर्म) भरना जरूरी हो गया था। जानकारों के मुताबिक इस जटिल प्रक्रिया को पूरा करने में तीन से चार दिन लग जाते हैं।
यानी अब कस्टम्स अधिकारियों के लिए यह संभव नहीं था कि गश्त के दौरान संदेह होने पर किसी बोट या कंटेनर की तलाशी ले सकें। इसका नतीजा यह हुआ कि तलाशी ही नहीं , गश्त का काम भी लगभग ठप हो गया।
हम यह नहीं कह रहे कि यह आदेश आतंकवादियों को विस्फोटक और हथियार भारत में पहुंचाने में मदद देने के लिए जारी किया गया था। लेकिन इसमें कोई संदेह नहीं कि कस्टम्स विभाग के इस आदेश ने आतंकवादियों का काम आसान बना दिया। बेहतर यह होता कि कस्टम्स विभाग में व्याप्त भ्रष्टाचार को रोकने के लिए कोई और कदम उठाया जाता।
इस आदेश के बारे में कस्टम्स कमिश्नर (प्रिवेंटिव) शोभा राम का पक्ष जानने के लिए उनके घर फोन करने पर बताया गया कि वह शहर से बाहर हैं। घर वालों ने मोबाइल नंबर देने से इनकार कर दिया।
नई दिल्ली : मुंबई में हुए भीषण आतंकी हमले के बाद सरकार यह पता लगाने में जुटी है कि आखिर उसकी विशाल प्रशासनिक मशीनरी के किस हिस्से से चूक हुई , वहीं मुंबई के कस्टम्स अधिकारियों का एक तबका इस उधेड़बुन में उलझा है कि कहीं इस चूक की एक वजह वह आदेश तो नहीं जो कुछ माह पहले उनके विभाग के एक बड़े अधिकारी ने जारी किया था ! इसी आदेश का नतीजा था कि आम तौर पर चौबीसो घंटे सतर्क और सक्रिय रहने वाले कस्टम्स विभाग ने मुंबई आतंकी हमलों से कुछ महीने पहले से ही गश्त और तलाशी का काम लगभग बंद कर रखा था।
भरोसेमंद सूत्रों के मुताबिक मुंबई के कस्टम्स कमिश्नर (प्रिवेंटिव) शोभा राम ने इसी साल 23 जुलाई को जारी किए गए निर्देश (निर्देश संख्या 01 / 2008 ; F No. CIU / XI-XVIII / 2008 / 657 ) में कहा कि जब तक कि एकदम पक्की और डीआरआई - 1 फॉरमैट में लिखित रूप में दर्ज सूचना न हो , गश्त के दौरान कस्टम्स अधिकारियों को किसी कंटेनर या वाहन को रोकने या उसकी तलाशी लेने की इजाज़त नहीं होगी।
इस आदेश में यह भी कहा गया है कि अगर किसी अधिकारी ने पर्याप्त अधिकार और पूर्व इजाज़त के बगैर किसी वाहन को रोका या उसकी तलाशी ली तो उसके खिलाफ अनुशासनात्मक कार्रवाई की जाएगी।
गौरतलब है कि 1993 के मुंबई बम धमाकों का कड़वा अनुभव होने (तब भी समुद्री मार्ग से ही विस्फोटक मुंबई पहुंचाए गए थे) और बेंगलुरु , अहमदाबाद , दिल्ली जैसे शहरों में हुए बम धमाकों के बाद मुंबई में ऐसे किसी हमले की आशंका होने के कारण कस्टम्स अधिकारी महसूस कर रहे थे कि उन्हें और अलर्ट होकर काम करना चाहिए। लेकिन , इस आदेश ने उनके हाथ-पांव बांध रखे थे।
बताया जाता है कि यह आदेश कुछ कस्टम्स अधिकारियों की हरकतों पर रोक लगाने के लिए लाया गया था जो जांच-पड़ताल के नाम पर हर कंटेनर या वाहन को रोक देते थे और पैसे वसूल करके ही उसे छोड़ते थे। लेकिन इसने विभाग के उन अधिकारियों को भी अपना काम करने से रोक दिया जो टूटी-फूटी पुरानी बोटें और पेट्रॉल की कमी जैसी बाधाओं के बावजूद अपनी सक्रियता कम नहीं होने दे रहे थे।
इस लिखित आदेश का नतीजा यह निकला कि कस्टम्स विभाग के प्रिवेंटिव विंग की देखरेख में चलने वाला तटीय क्षेत्रों की निगरानी का काम लगभग ठप हो गया। इस आदेश ने वाहनों की चेकिंग ही नहीं , गश्त के काम पर भी असर डाला था। आदेश के अनुसार अफसरों को किसी वाहन की तलाशी से पहले डीआरआई-1 (डाइरेक्टरेट ऑफ रेवेन्यू इंटेलिजेंस प्रिसक्राइब्ड फॉर्म) भरना जरूरी हो गया था। जानकारों के मुताबिक इस जटिल प्रक्रिया को पूरा करने में तीन से चार दिन लग जाते हैं।
यानी अब कस्टम्स अधिकारियों के लिए यह संभव नहीं था कि गश्त के दौरान संदेह होने पर किसी बोट या कंटेनर की तलाशी ले सकें। इसका नतीजा यह हुआ कि तलाशी ही नहीं , गश्त का काम भी लगभग ठप हो गया।
हम यह नहीं कह रहे कि यह आदेश आतंकवादियों को विस्फोटक और हथियार भारत में पहुंचाने में मदद देने के लिए जारी किया गया था। लेकिन इसमें कोई संदेह नहीं कि कस्टम्स विभाग के इस आदेश ने आतंकवादियों का काम आसान बना दिया। बेहतर यह होता कि कस्टम्स विभाग में व्याप्त भ्रष्टाचार को रोकने के लिए कोई और कदम उठाया जाता।
इस आदेश के बारे में कस्टम्स कमिश्नर (प्रिवेंटिव) शोभा राम का पक्ष जानने के लिए उनके घर फोन करने पर बताया गया कि वह शहर से बाहर हैं। घर वालों ने मोबाइल नंबर देने से इनकार कर दिया।
Confessions of a dangerous mind
This is the statement Mohammad Ajmal Amir 'Kasab', 21, gave to the police after his arrest.
I have resided in Faridkot, Dinalpur tehsil, Ukada district, Suba Punjab state, Pakistan since my birth. I studied up to class IV in a government school. After leaving school in 2000, I went to stay with my brother in Tohit Abad mohalla, near Yadgar Minar in Lahore. I worked as a labourer at various places till 2005, visiting my native once in a while. In 2005, I had a quarrel with my father. I left home and went to Ali Hajveri Darbar in Lahore, where boys who run away from home are given shelter. The boys are sent to different places for employment.
One day a person named Shafiq came there and took me with him. He was from Zhelam and had a catering business. I started working for him for Rs120 per day. Later, my salary was increased to Rs200 per day. I worked with him till 2007. While working with Shafiq, I came in contact with one Muzzafar Lal Khan, 22. He was from Romaiya village in Alak district in Sarhad, Pakistan. Since we were not getting enough money, we decided to carry out robbery/dacoity to make big money. So we left the job.
We went to Rawalpindi, where we rented a flat. Afzal had located a house for us to loot… We required some firearms for our mission... While we were in search of firearms, we saw some LeT stalls at Raja Bazaar in Rawalpindi on the day of Bakri-id. We then realised that even if we procured firearms, we would not be able to operate them. Therefore, we decided to join LeT for weapons training.
We reached the LeT office and told a person that we wanted to join LeT. He noted down our names and address and told us to come the next day. The next day, there was another person with him. He gave us Rs200 and some receipts. Then he gave us the address of a place called Marqas Taiyyaba, Muridke, and told us to go to there. It was an LeT training camp. We went to the place by bus. We showed the receipts at the gate of the camp. We were allowed inside… Then we were taken to the actual camp area. Initially, we were selected for a 21 days' training regimen called Daura Sufa.
From the next day, our training started.
The daily programme was as follows: 4.15 am — Wake-up call and thereafter Namaz; 8 am — Breakfast; 8.30 am to 10 am — Lecture on Hadis and Quran by Mufti Sayyed; 10 am to noon - Rest; Noon to 1 pm - Lunch break; 1 pm to 4 pm - Rest; 4 pm to 6 pm - PT; instructor: Fadulla; 6 pm to 8 pm - Namaz and other work; 8 pm to 9 pm - Dinner
After Daura Sufa, we were selected for another training programme called Daura Ama. This was also for 21 days. We were taken to Mansera in Buttal village, where we were trained in handling weapons.
The daily programme was as follows: 4.15 am to 5 am - Wake-up call and thereafter Namaz; 5 am to 6 am - PT; instructor: Abu Anas; 8 am - Breakfast; 8.30 am to 11.30 am - Weapons training; trainer: Abdul Rehman; weapons: AK-47, Green-O, SKS, Uzi gun, pistol, revolver; 11.30 am to Noon - rest; Noon to 1 pm - Lunch break; 1 pm to 2 pm - Namaz; 2 pm to 4 pm - Rest; 4 pm to 6 pm - PT; 6 pm to 8 pm - Namaz and other work; 8 pm to 9 pm - Dinner.
After the training, we were told that we will begin the next stage involving advanced training. But for that, we were told, we had to do some khidmat for two months (khidmat is a sort of service in the camp as per trainees' liking). We agreed. After two months, I was allowed to go to meet my parents. I stayed with my parents for a month.
Then I went to an LeT camp in Shaiwainala, Muzaffarabad, for advanced training...
We were taken to Chelabandi pahadi area for a training programme, called Daura Khas, of three months. It involved handling weapons, using hand grenade, rocket launchers and mortars.
The daily programme was as follows: 4.15 am to 5 am - Wake-up call and thereafter Namaz; 5 am to 6 am - PT; instructor: Abu Mawiya; 8 am - Breakfast; 8.30 am to 11.30 am - Weapons training, handling of all weapons and firing practices with the weapons, training on handling hand grenade, rocket-launchers and mortars, Green-O, SKS, Uzi gun, pistol, revolver; trainer: Abu Mawiya; 11.30 am to 12 noon - rest; Noon to 1 pm - Lunch break; 1 pm to 2 pm - Namaz; 2 pm to 4 pm - Weapons training and firing practice; lecture on Indian security agencies; 4 pm to 6 pm - PT; 6 pm to 8 pm - Namaz and other work; 8 pm to 9 pm - Dinner.
There were 32 trainees in the camp. Sixteen were selected for a confidential operation by one Zaki-ur-Rehman, alias Chacha, but three of them ran away from the camp.
Chacha sent the remaining 13 with a person called Kafa to the Muridke camp again.
At Muridke, we were taught swimming and made familiar with the life of fishermen at sea… We were given lectures on the working of Indian security agencies. We were shown clippings highlighting atrocities on Muslims in India. After the training, we were allowed to go to our native places. I stayed with my family for seven days. I then went to the LeT camp at Muzaffarabad. The 13 of us were present for training.
Then, on Zaki-ur-Rehman's instructions, Kafa took us to the Muridke camp. The training continued for a month. We were given lectures on India and its security agencies, including RAW. We were also trained to evade security personnel. We were instructed not to make phone calls to Pakistan after reaching India.
The names of the persons present for the training are: n Mohd Azmal, alias Abu Muzahid n Ismail, alias Abu Umar n Abu Ali n Abu Aksha n Abu Umer n Abu Shoeb n Abdul Rehman (Bada) n Abdul Rehman (Chhota) n Afadulla n Abu Umar
After the training, Chacha selected 10 of us and formed five teams of two people each on September 15. I and Ismail formed a team; its codename was VTS. We were shown Azad Maidan in Mumbai on Google Earth's site on the internet… We were shown a film on VT railway station. The film showed commuters during rush hours. We were instructed to carry out firing during rush hours — between 7 am and 11 am and between 7 pm and 11 pm. Then we were to take some people hostage, take them to the roof of some nearby building and contact Chacha, who would have given us numbers to contact media people and make demands. This was the strategy decided upon by our trainers. The date fixed for the operation was September 27. However, the operation was cancelled for some reason. We stayed in Karachi till November 23.
The other teams were: 2nd team: a) Abu Aksha; b) Abu Umar; 3rd team: a) Abdul Rehman (Bada); b) Abu Ali; 4th team: a) Abdul Rehman (Chotta); b) Afadulla; 5th team: a) Abu Shoeb; b) Abu Umer.
On November 23, the teams left from Azizabad in Karachi, along with Zaki-ur-Rehman and Kafa. We were taken to the nearby seashore… We boarded a launch. After travelling for 22 to 25 nautical miles we boarded a bigger launch. Again, after a journey of an hour, we boarded a ship, Al-Huseini, in the deep sea. While boarding the ship, each of us was given a sack containing eight grenades, an AK-47 rifle, 200 cartridges, two magazines and a cellphone.
Then we started towards the Indian coast. When we reached Indian waters, the crew members of Al-Huseini hijacked an Indian launch. The crew of the launch was shifted to Al-Huseini. We then boarded the launch. An Indian seaman was made to accompany us at gunpoint; he was made to bring us to the Indian coast. After a journey of three days, we reached near Mumbai's shore. While we were still some distance away from the shore, Ismail and Afadulla killed the Indian seaman (Tandel) in the basement of the launch. Then we boarded an inflatable dinghy and reached Badhwar Park jetty.
I then went along with Ismail to VT station by taxi. After reaching the hall of the station, we went to the toilet, took out the weapons from our sacks, loaded them, came out of the toilet and started firing indiscriminately at passengers. Suddenly, a police officer opened fire at us. We threw hand grenades towards him and also opened fire at him.
Then we went inside the railway station threatening the commuters and randomly firing at them. We then came out of the railway station searching for a building with a roof.
But we did not find one. Therefore, we entered a lane. We entered a building and went upstairs. On the third and fourth floors we searched for hostages but we found that the building was a hospital and not a residential building. We started to come down. That is when policemen started firing at us. We threw grenades at them.
While coming out of the hospital premises, we saw a police vehicle passing. We took shelter behind a bush. Another vehicle passed us and stopped some distance away. A police officer got off from the vehicle and started firing at us. A bullet hit my hand and my AK-47 fell out of my hand. When I bent to pick it up another bullet hit me on the same hand. Ismail opened fire at the officers in the vehicle. They got injured and firing from their side stopped. We waited for a while and went towards the vehicle.
There were three bodies in the vehicle. Ismail removed the bodies and drove the vehicle. I sat next to him. Some policemen tried to stop us. Ismail opened fire at them. The vehicle had a flat tyre near a big ground by the side of road. Ismail got down from the vehicle, stopped a car at gunpoint and removed the three lady passengers from the car. Since I was injured, Ismail carried me to the car. He then drove the car. We were stopped by policemen on the road near the seashore. Ismail fired at them, injuring some policemen. The police also opened fire at us. Ismail was injured in the firing. The police removed us from the vehicle and took us to the same hospital. In the hospital, I came to know that Ismail had succumbed to injuries.
My statement has been read to me and explained in Hindi, and it has been correctly recorded.
I have resided in Faridkot, Dinalpur tehsil, Ukada district, Suba Punjab state, Pakistan since my birth. I studied up to class IV in a government school. After leaving school in 2000, I went to stay with my brother in Tohit Abad mohalla, near Yadgar Minar in Lahore. I worked as a labourer at various places till 2005, visiting my native once in a while. In 2005, I had a quarrel with my father. I left home and went to Ali Hajveri Darbar in Lahore, where boys who run away from home are given shelter. The boys are sent to different places for employment.
One day a person named Shafiq came there and took me with him. He was from Zhelam and had a catering business. I started working for him for Rs120 per day. Later, my salary was increased to Rs200 per day. I worked with him till 2007. While working with Shafiq, I came in contact with one Muzzafar Lal Khan, 22. He was from Romaiya village in Alak district in Sarhad, Pakistan. Since we were not getting enough money, we decided to carry out robbery/dacoity to make big money. So we left the job.
We went to Rawalpindi, where we rented a flat. Afzal had located a house for us to loot… We required some firearms for our mission... While we were in search of firearms, we saw some LeT stalls at Raja Bazaar in Rawalpindi on the day of Bakri-id. We then realised that even if we procured firearms, we would not be able to operate them. Therefore, we decided to join LeT for weapons training.
We reached the LeT office and told a person that we wanted to join LeT. He noted down our names and address and told us to come the next day. The next day, there was another person with him. He gave us Rs200 and some receipts. Then he gave us the address of a place called Marqas Taiyyaba, Muridke, and told us to go to there. It was an LeT training camp. We went to the place by bus. We showed the receipts at the gate of the camp. We were allowed inside… Then we were taken to the actual camp area. Initially, we were selected for a 21 days' training regimen called Daura Sufa.
From the next day, our training started.
The daily programme was as follows: 4.15 am — Wake-up call and thereafter Namaz; 8 am — Breakfast; 8.30 am to 10 am — Lecture on Hadis and Quran by Mufti Sayyed; 10 am to noon - Rest; Noon to 1 pm - Lunch break; 1 pm to 4 pm - Rest; 4 pm to 6 pm - PT; instructor: Fadulla; 6 pm to 8 pm - Namaz and other work; 8 pm to 9 pm - Dinner
After Daura Sufa, we were selected for another training programme called Daura Ama. This was also for 21 days. We were taken to Mansera in Buttal village, where we were trained in handling weapons.
The daily programme was as follows: 4.15 am to 5 am - Wake-up call and thereafter Namaz; 5 am to 6 am - PT; instructor: Abu Anas; 8 am - Breakfast; 8.30 am to 11.30 am - Weapons training; trainer: Abdul Rehman; weapons: AK-47, Green-O, SKS, Uzi gun, pistol, revolver; 11.30 am to Noon - rest; Noon to 1 pm - Lunch break; 1 pm to 2 pm - Namaz; 2 pm to 4 pm - Rest; 4 pm to 6 pm - PT; 6 pm to 8 pm - Namaz and other work; 8 pm to 9 pm - Dinner.
After the training, we were told that we will begin the next stage involving advanced training. But for that, we were told, we had to do some khidmat for two months (khidmat is a sort of service in the camp as per trainees' liking). We agreed. After two months, I was allowed to go to meet my parents. I stayed with my parents for a month.
Then I went to an LeT camp in Shaiwainala, Muzaffarabad, for advanced training...
We were taken to Chelabandi pahadi area for a training programme, called Daura Khas, of three months. It involved handling weapons, using hand grenade, rocket launchers and mortars.
The daily programme was as follows: 4.15 am to 5 am - Wake-up call and thereafter Namaz; 5 am to 6 am - PT; instructor: Abu Mawiya; 8 am - Breakfast; 8.30 am to 11.30 am - Weapons training, handling of all weapons and firing practices with the weapons, training on handling hand grenade, rocket-launchers and mortars, Green-O, SKS, Uzi gun, pistol, revolver; trainer: Abu Mawiya; 11.30 am to 12 noon - rest; Noon to 1 pm - Lunch break; 1 pm to 2 pm - Namaz; 2 pm to 4 pm - Weapons training and firing practice; lecture on Indian security agencies; 4 pm to 6 pm - PT; 6 pm to 8 pm - Namaz and other work; 8 pm to 9 pm - Dinner.
There were 32 trainees in the camp. Sixteen were selected for a confidential operation by one Zaki-ur-Rehman, alias Chacha, but three of them ran away from the camp.
Chacha sent the remaining 13 with a person called Kafa to the Muridke camp again.
At Muridke, we were taught swimming and made familiar with the life of fishermen at sea… We were given lectures on the working of Indian security agencies. We were shown clippings highlighting atrocities on Muslims in India. After the training, we were allowed to go to our native places. I stayed with my family for seven days. I then went to the LeT camp at Muzaffarabad. The 13 of us were present for training.
Then, on Zaki-ur-Rehman's instructions, Kafa took us to the Muridke camp. The training continued for a month. We were given lectures on India and its security agencies, including RAW. We were also trained to evade security personnel. We were instructed not to make phone calls to Pakistan after reaching India.
The names of the persons present for the training are: n Mohd Azmal, alias Abu Muzahid n Ismail, alias Abu Umar n Abu Ali n Abu Aksha n Abu Umer n Abu Shoeb n Abdul Rehman (Bada) n Abdul Rehman (Chhota) n Afadulla n Abu Umar
After the training, Chacha selected 10 of us and formed five teams of two people each on September 15. I and Ismail formed a team; its codename was VTS. We were shown Azad Maidan in Mumbai on Google Earth's site on the internet… We were shown a film on VT railway station. The film showed commuters during rush hours. We were instructed to carry out firing during rush hours — between 7 am and 11 am and between 7 pm and 11 pm. Then we were to take some people hostage, take them to the roof of some nearby building and contact Chacha, who would have given us numbers to contact media people and make demands. This was the strategy decided upon by our trainers. The date fixed for the operation was September 27. However, the operation was cancelled for some reason. We stayed in Karachi till November 23.
The other teams were: 2nd team: a) Abu Aksha; b) Abu Umar; 3rd team: a) Abdul Rehman (Bada); b) Abu Ali; 4th team: a) Abdul Rehman (Chotta); b) Afadulla; 5th team: a) Abu Shoeb; b) Abu Umer.
On November 23, the teams left from Azizabad in Karachi, along with Zaki-ur-Rehman and Kafa. We were taken to the nearby seashore… We boarded a launch. After travelling for 22 to 25 nautical miles we boarded a bigger launch. Again, after a journey of an hour, we boarded a ship, Al-Huseini, in the deep sea. While boarding the ship, each of us was given a sack containing eight grenades, an AK-47 rifle, 200 cartridges, two magazines and a cellphone.
Then we started towards the Indian coast. When we reached Indian waters, the crew members of Al-Huseini hijacked an Indian launch. The crew of the launch was shifted to Al-Huseini. We then boarded the launch. An Indian seaman was made to accompany us at gunpoint; he was made to bring us to the Indian coast. After a journey of three days, we reached near Mumbai's shore. While we were still some distance away from the shore, Ismail and Afadulla killed the Indian seaman (Tandel) in the basement of the launch. Then we boarded an inflatable dinghy and reached Badhwar Park jetty.
I then went along with Ismail to VT station by taxi. After reaching the hall of the station, we went to the toilet, took out the weapons from our sacks, loaded them, came out of the toilet and started firing indiscriminately at passengers. Suddenly, a police officer opened fire at us. We threw hand grenades towards him and also opened fire at him.
Then we went inside the railway station threatening the commuters and randomly firing at them. We then came out of the railway station searching for a building with a roof.
But we did not find one. Therefore, we entered a lane. We entered a building and went upstairs. On the third and fourth floors we searched for hostages but we found that the building was a hospital and not a residential building. We started to come down. That is when policemen started firing at us. We threw grenades at them.
While coming out of the hospital premises, we saw a police vehicle passing. We took shelter behind a bush. Another vehicle passed us and stopped some distance away. A police officer got off from the vehicle and started firing at us. A bullet hit my hand and my AK-47 fell out of my hand. When I bent to pick it up another bullet hit me on the same hand. Ismail opened fire at the officers in the vehicle. They got injured and firing from their side stopped. We waited for a while and went towards the vehicle.
There were three bodies in the vehicle. Ismail removed the bodies and drove the vehicle. I sat next to him. Some policemen tried to stop us. Ismail opened fire at them. The vehicle had a flat tyre near a big ground by the side of road. Ismail got down from the vehicle, stopped a car at gunpoint and removed the three lady passengers from the car. Since I was injured, Ismail carried me to the car. He then drove the car. We were stopped by policemen on the road near the seashore. Ismail fired at them, injuring some policemen. The police also opened fire at us. Ismail was injured in the firing. The police removed us from the vehicle and took us to the same hospital. In the hospital, I came to know that Ismail had succumbed to injuries.
My statement has been read to me and explained in Hindi, and it has been correctly recorded.
Friday, December 5, 2008
Lashkar chief doesn't know Pak history
Does Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Tayiba Chief Hafeez Mohammed Saeed need a lesson or two on the life history of his nation's founder, Mohammed Ali Jinnah? It appears so as Saeed, who heads Jamaat-ul-Dawa, alleged by India as parent organisation of LeT, has mentioned that Jinnah was 'murdered' while the fact is that he died after prolonged illness.
In an interview to Outlook weekly Magazine, Saeed made this grave error while replying to a question seeking his reaction to India's demand for his extradition.
'It's actually a crude attempt to divert the attention of Indian people from their massive security and intelligence failure that led to the Mumbai attacks. Jamaat-ul-Dawa is all about relief. I have never been convicted either in India or Pakistan.
'On the other hand, a criminal case is still pending in Hyderabad (Pakistan), Sindh, against BJP leader L K Advani for masterminding the murder of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah, but Pakistan never demanded his extradition,' he said, blissfully unaware that Jinnah died of tuberculosis and lung cancer in 1948.
New Delhi has accused Saeed and Lashkar of being behind several terror strikes in India, including the recent one in Mumbai that left over 180 people dead.
He also attempted to distance Jamaat-ul-Dawa from any terrorist related activities and termed as 'very unfortunate' if India decided to carry out an air strike at its headquarters at Muridkee.
In an interview to Outlook weekly Magazine, Saeed made this grave error while replying to a question seeking his reaction to India's demand for his extradition.
'It's actually a crude attempt to divert the attention of Indian people from their massive security and intelligence failure that led to the Mumbai attacks. Jamaat-ul-Dawa is all about relief. I have never been convicted either in India or Pakistan.
'On the other hand, a criminal case is still pending in Hyderabad (Pakistan), Sindh, against BJP leader L K Advani for masterminding the murder of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah, but Pakistan never demanded his extradition,' he said, blissfully unaware that Jinnah died of tuberculosis and lung cancer in 1948.
New Delhi has accused Saeed and Lashkar of being behind several terror strikes in India, including the recent one in Mumbai that left over 180 people dead.
He also attempted to distance Jamaat-ul-Dawa from any terrorist related activities and termed as 'very unfortunate' if India decided to carry out an air strike at its headquarters at Muridkee.
Thursday, December 4, 2008
नेताओं की सिक्यूरिटी पर खर्च होते हैं 250 करोड़
आपको यह जानकार हैरानी होगी कि पब्लिक के बीच स्टेटस चाहने वाले नेताओं की सुरक्षा में एंटी टेरर एनएसजी क्रैक फोर्स के 1700 जवान तैनात हैं। यानी जिन जवानों को आतंकवाद के खिलाफ लड़ने के लिए ट्रेंड किया गया है वे नेताओं की हिफाजत में दिन-रात जुटे रहते हैं। आप जो अपना टैक्स चुकाते हैं, उसमें से एक बड़ी राशि ( 250 करोड़ रुपये) इन नेताओं की सुरक्षा पर खर्च हो जाती है। इनमें किसी एक पार्टी का नेता शामिल नहीं है, सिक्यूरिटी लेने के मामले में सभी नेताओं में भाईचारा है।
जिन वीआईपी लोगों की सुरक्षा पर यह मोटी रकम खर्च की जाती है, उसमें पूर्व प्रधानमंत्री देवगौड़ा से लेकर अमर सिंह, रामविलास पासवान, सज्जन कुमार, बी. एल. जोशी, आर. एल. भाटिया, शरद यादव, रामेश्वर ठाकुर, ई. अहमद, मुरली मनोहर जोशी, बृजभूषण शरण और प्रमोद तिवारी जैसे नेता हैं। इन लोगों को यह सुरक्षा इसलिए दी गई हैं कि इनकी जिंदगी खतरे में है। यहां पर यह सवाल सहज ही उठता है कि जिन सज्जन कुमार को यह सुरक्षा मिली हुई है, उनके खिलाफ हत्या के मामले चल रहे हैं।
बड़े पैमाने पर वीआईपी सिक्यूरिटी मुहैया कराने का नतीजा यह निकला है कि जिन्हें आतंकवादी विरोधी गतिविधियों के लिए तैयार किया था, वे अब राइफल लेकर किसी खादी वाले की सुरक्षा में लगे हुए हैं। विमान अपहरण पर कार्रवाई करने और एंटी टेरर ऑपरेशंस के लिए 1984 में नैशनल सिक्यूरिटी गार्ड्स (एनएसजी) का गठन किया गया था। एनएसजी के 2 विंग बनाए गए, जिसे स्पेशल ऐक्शन ग्रुप (एसएजी) और स्पेशल रेंजर्स ग्रुप (एसआरजी) नाम दिया गया। एसएजी में सेना के जवानों को डेपुटेशन पर भेजा जाता है जबकि एसआरजी में आईटीबीपी, सीआईएसएफ, सीआरपीएफ, बीएसएफ और एसएसबी के जवान डेपुटेशन पर भेजे जाते हैं। इसी एसआरजी में से आधे से ज्यादा जवानों को वीआईपी सिक्यूरिटी में लगा दिया गया है।
यहां बता दें कि स्पेशल प्रोटक्शन ग्रुप यानी एसपीजी सिर्फ प्रधानमंत्री, पूर्व प्रधानमंत्री और गांधी परिवार की सुरक्षा के लिए है। यहां यह तथ्य बहुत महत्वपूर्ण है कि एसपीजी का बजट वित्त वर्ष 2008-09 के लिए 180 करोड़ है जबकि पिछले वित्त वर्ष में यह 117 करोड़ था। वहीं एनएसजी, जिस पर देश के एक अरब लोगों की सुरक्षा की जिम्मेदारी है उसका बजट वित्त वर्ष 2008-09 के लिए 158 करोड़ है जो पिछले वित्त वर्ष से कम है। पिछले वित्त वर्ष में उसका बजट 159 करोड़ रुपये मंजूर किया गया था।
इन तमाम सुरक्षा कवच के अलावा राज्यों की पुलिस भी वीआईपी सुरक्षा में लगी होती है। अकेले दिल्ली में ही 14,200 पुलिसकर्मी 24 घंटे वीआईपी सिक्यूरिटी में लगे रहते हैं।
जितने भी लेवल की सुरक्षा वीआईपी लोगों के पास होती है, उन सभी वाहनों पर रेड लाइट लगी होती है और ये लोग अक्सर ट्रैफिक में आम आदमी के लिए परेशानी का सबब बनते हैं। यही वजह है कि हाल ही में दिल्ली हाई कोर्ट ने नेताओं की सुरक्षा पर टिप्पणी करते हुए कहा था कि ये लोग कोई राष्ट्रीय धरोहर तो हैं नहीं जो इनकी सुरक्षा करने की जरूरत है।
राहुल त्रिपाठी कार्तिकेय
जिन वीआईपी लोगों की सुरक्षा पर यह मोटी रकम खर्च की जाती है, उसमें पूर्व प्रधानमंत्री देवगौड़ा से लेकर अमर सिंह, रामविलास पासवान, सज्जन कुमार, बी. एल. जोशी, आर. एल. भाटिया, शरद यादव, रामेश्वर ठाकुर, ई. अहमद, मुरली मनोहर जोशी, बृजभूषण शरण और प्रमोद तिवारी जैसे नेता हैं। इन लोगों को यह सुरक्षा इसलिए दी गई हैं कि इनकी जिंदगी खतरे में है। यहां पर यह सवाल सहज ही उठता है कि जिन सज्जन कुमार को यह सुरक्षा मिली हुई है, उनके खिलाफ हत्या के मामले चल रहे हैं।
बड़े पैमाने पर वीआईपी सिक्यूरिटी मुहैया कराने का नतीजा यह निकला है कि जिन्हें आतंकवादी विरोधी गतिविधियों के लिए तैयार किया था, वे अब राइफल लेकर किसी खादी वाले की सुरक्षा में लगे हुए हैं। विमान अपहरण पर कार्रवाई करने और एंटी टेरर ऑपरेशंस के लिए 1984 में नैशनल सिक्यूरिटी गार्ड्स (एनएसजी) का गठन किया गया था। एनएसजी के 2 विंग बनाए गए, जिसे स्पेशल ऐक्शन ग्रुप (एसएजी) और स्पेशल रेंजर्स ग्रुप (एसआरजी) नाम दिया गया। एसएजी में सेना के जवानों को डेपुटेशन पर भेजा जाता है जबकि एसआरजी में आईटीबीपी, सीआईएसएफ, सीआरपीएफ, बीएसएफ और एसएसबी के जवान डेपुटेशन पर भेजे जाते हैं। इसी एसआरजी में से आधे से ज्यादा जवानों को वीआईपी सिक्यूरिटी में लगा दिया गया है।
यहां बता दें कि स्पेशल प्रोटक्शन ग्रुप यानी एसपीजी सिर्फ प्रधानमंत्री, पूर्व प्रधानमंत्री और गांधी परिवार की सुरक्षा के लिए है। यहां यह तथ्य बहुत महत्वपूर्ण है कि एसपीजी का बजट वित्त वर्ष 2008-09 के लिए 180 करोड़ है जबकि पिछले वित्त वर्ष में यह 117 करोड़ था। वहीं एनएसजी, जिस पर देश के एक अरब लोगों की सुरक्षा की जिम्मेदारी है उसका बजट वित्त वर्ष 2008-09 के लिए 158 करोड़ है जो पिछले वित्त वर्ष से कम है। पिछले वित्त वर्ष में उसका बजट 159 करोड़ रुपये मंजूर किया गया था।
इन तमाम सुरक्षा कवच के अलावा राज्यों की पुलिस भी वीआईपी सुरक्षा में लगी होती है। अकेले दिल्ली में ही 14,200 पुलिसकर्मी 24 घंटे वीआईपी सिक्यूरिटी में लगे रहते हैं।
जितने भी लेवल की सुरक्षा वीआईपी लोगों के पास होती है, उन सभी वाहनों पर रेड लाइट लगी होती है और ये लोग अक्सर ट्रैफिक में आम आदमी के लिए परेशानी का सबब बनते हैं। यही वजह है कि हाल ही में दिल्ली हाई कोर्ट ने नेताओं की सुरक्षा पर टिप्पणी करते हुए कहा था कि ये लोग कोई राष्ट्रीय धरोहर तो हैं नहीं जो इनकी सुरक्षा करने की जरूरत है।
राहुल त्रिपाठी कार्तिकेय
The obvious battlefield is Pakistan
December 03, 2008
The British nearly gave up war in Afghanistan recently and instead wanted dialogue with Al Qaeda. Washington termed it defeatist and subsequently London rescinded the suggestion. The stalemate in the war on terrorism continued.
The breed of Inherently Helpless Indians tells me repeatedly that "even the West led by America could not smash the terrorists in Afghanistan and Iraq -- how can a country like India win?"
Untrue. With the right strategy this war can be won decisively.
Frankly, Al Qaeda and the Taliban combine cannot win the war. They don't have the means. The jihad groups have no naval or air forces. No missile force either. They do have a slackly held guerrilla army that boasts of weapons with limited range and some quantities of explosives. Their satellite phones and other modest wireless systems are susceptible to interception, consequently a big constraint. These outfits do not boast of surveillance and intelligence gathering capabilities through satellites or UAVs.
In practical terms they have no reach. Al Qaeda, the Taliban or similar groups can only cause damage or destruction to contact targets and its immediate periphery which is woefully inadequate to topple a regime -- a prerequisite for victory. Kabul remains with Karzai, though at a cost, while Washington, Paris, and London continue to conduct international business unaffected.
Yet, Al Qaeda and the Taliban for years have managed to create a deadlock against the best equipped and trained forces of the first world on the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. Why?
On multiple counts the war waged by the Bush administration was borne out of unsound principles. First, fighting on two fronts simultaneously created division of resources between Iraq and Afghanistan. It resulted in shortage of the necessary numbers of boots on ground, so vital while fighting a guerrilla force in the Afghan-Pakistan region.
Second, if the alliances that forge preponderance in the international affairs are broken, victory will elude. The Western alliance, which is the statement of the American might, was rebuffed in Iraq. Washington in its unilateral stubbornness opened the second front, throwing to winds the sane strategic advice of its partners. The invasion of Iraq, if ever necessary, should have taken place after consolidation of the Afghanistan-Pakistan front. The victory in the Afghanistan-Pakistan area in any case would be sufficient to put other players in the region on notice.
Washington disregarded its Western alliance partners in invading Iraq, considered an unjust war by rest of the world. It in effect united the various jihad outfits in different parts of the world. Most of these groups that lacked potency till then, appeared formidable by coming together. Thus, in the last eight years, the sum of parts of the radical Islam lent an appearance of more than the total.
Third, the extraordinary rise in the oil prices not only boosted the old adversary but also added new rivals soaked in the wealth of petro-dollars. Also billions of dollars wasted in the Iraq war is significantly responsible for the current economic misery.
Last, the biggest folly was to trust Islamabad. At the time of invasion of Iraq, I cautioned the former American ambassador in a gathering at New Delhi that the "United States and its allies cannot win in Afghanistan since they have the lock (Afghanistan) but cannot unlock it as they do not have the key (Pakistan) under their control."
Even today many with the Cold War mindset in the international media wrongly advocate that Kashmir should be resolved -- implying India should resolve it in favour of Pakistan. I would say it is a misplaced approach with counter-productive ramifications. With Asia becoming more and more authoritarian, with Communist China rapidly expanding its influence, with Islamic fundamentalists all over and rearing their heads in Malaysia, with Maoists in control of Kathmandu, and with military dictatorship emerging in Bangladesh, the only option is to expand the influence of the democracies.
Instead of trying to sap New Delhi's will by such proposals, the other democracies should stand by to support spread of democratic set up in Pakistan occupied Kashmir. Handing over Kashmir on the platter to Pakistan will definitely result in another Talibanised and brutal adversary in the neighborhood. Such a step is neither in the interest of multi-cultural India or other democracies.
It is time for Washington to shift gears to win the war!
A few years ago, a Democrat when told in a private conversation that "America cannot win on both fronts," wanted to know the way out. I said: "Since the objective is to decisively defeat radical Islam and not Islamic nations or populations, the Iraq front should be wound up rapidly despite the likely disintegration. Quickly redeploy and concentrate these surplus forces in the Afghanistan-Pakistan region. That is the laboratory of radical Islam and its destruction is central to winning this war."
If the epicentre is busted, the various parts in temporary and weak unity are bound to lose teeth and fall apart. This will reduce terrorism to a localised law and order problem.
The next terrorist attack against the United States or the European Union will be planned and executed in all likelihood from the Afghanistan-Pakistan. region.
Similarly, if ever a nuclear attack through a dirty bomb becomes a reality in the West, it will be handiwork of Pakistan. The West needs to look at the radicalisation inside the Pakistan army and the ISI and work out methods to defang them. For a decisive victory, America will require the unqualified support of its alliance partners. India's support in addition will play a critical role too.
It is also time for New Delhi to rapidly shift gears. Pacifist philosophies may be good for the individual's soul, but are suicidal for nation's security. New Delhi should learn to fight its own wars instead of expecting others to do its dirty work.
To win the war is more crucial for us than the West as the very survival of the Union of India depends on it. While the United States is geographically insulated and located in safe haven, India is not. Pakistan and Bangladesh export radical Islam to India in an effort to destabilise it. China funds movements like Gorkhaland and instigates its proxies. The borders are kept on the boil between China and its proxies while Bangladesh and Pakistan continue to implode India through terrorist acts with impunity. India remains under siege.
New Delhi needs to work out its long-term option with clarity, objectivity and decisiveness in view of the extremely hostile 14,000 kilometres of borders. The other critical element is the substantial Islamic population in India that certain external forces want radicalised to create civil strife. Honestly speaking, given the internal and external security imperatives, non-governance is not an option for New Delhi.
It is often said that nations do not have permanent friends, only permanent interests. In reality, all nations are adversarial to each other. The degree may vary. If national interests demand synergy, they may combine resources for mutual benefit to an optimum period. The synergy to destabilise India by covert means is evident in the collusion between authoritarian regimes of China, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Radical Islam wants to establish a Caliphate while Beijing is determined to tie down New Delhi to ensure its unrivalled top dog status in Asia.
Since they are neighbours, India needs to engage them as constructively as possible, even as they remain inimical to India's interests in many ways. However, they can be dealt from a position of strength alone. This is only possible if we acquire the requisite diplomatic, economic and military prowess.
Therefore, grand strategy dictates that since multiple adversaries on our borders are in collusion with each other and pose a combined threat, we should form an alliance with lesser adversary who believes in democracy and are not our neighbours. Today with radical Islam threatening all democracies, there is implicit synergy and commonality of purpose between the West and us that can help each other in variety of ways. Thus, India can gain a larger say in international affairs and develop sufficient economic and military clout to deal confidently with the near abroad.
But in creating alliances, New Delhi must watch its flanks. The recent campaign in the media to jettison Kashmir appears to be orchestrated by external powers to weaken the Union. These games will always be played as the existing hierarchy never wants too many crowding the high table.
In the past eight years, poor generalship in Washington, Brussels and New Delhi is responsible for the resurgence of Al Qaeda and Taliban. However, this war is decisively winnable if the battlefield is correctly identified. The obvious battlefield is Pakistan. It is time, democracies face this simple reality.
Bharat Verma is the Editor, Indian Defence Review
The British nearly gave up war in Afghanistan recently and instead wanted dialogue with Al Qaeda. Washington termed it defeatist and subsequently London rescinded the suggestion. The stalemate in the war on terrorism continued.
The breed of Inherently Helpless Indians tells me repeatedly that "even the West led by America could not smash the terrorists in Afghanistan and Iraq -- how can a country like India win?"
Untrue. With the right strategy this war can be won decisively.
Frankly, Al Qaeda and the Taliban combine cannot win the war. They don't have the means. The jihad groups have no naval or air forces. No missile force either. They do have a slackly held guerrilla army that boasts of weapons with limited range and some quantities of explosives. Their satellite phones and other modest wireless systems are susceptible to interception, consequently a big constraint. These outfits do not boast of surveillance and intelligence gathering capabilities through satellites or UAVs.
In practical terms they have no reach. Al Qaeda, the Taliban or similar groups can only cause damage or destruction to contact targets and its immediate periphery which is woefully inadequate to topple a regime -- a prerequisite for victory. Kabul remains with Karzai, though at a cost, while Washington, Paris, and London continue to conduct international business unaffected.
Yet, Al Qaeda and the Taliban for years have managed to create a deadlock against the best equipped and trained forces of the first world on the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. Why?
On multiple counts the war waged by the Bush administration was borne out of unsound principles. First, fighting on two fronts simultaneously created division of resources between Iraq and Afghanistan. It resulted in shortage of the necessary numbers of boots on ground, so vital while fighting a guerrilla force in the Afghan-Pakistan region.
Second, if the alliances that forge preponderance in the international affairs are broken, victory will elude. The Western alliance, which is the statement of the American might, was rebuffed in Iraq. Washington in its unilateral stubbornness opened the second front, throwing to winds the sane strategic advice of its partners. The invasion of Iraq, if ever necessary, should have taken place after consolidation of the Afghanistan-Pakistan front. The victory in the Afghanistan-Pakistan area in any case would be sufficient to put other players in the region on notice.
Washington disregarded its Western alliance partners in invading Iraq, considered an unjust war by rest of the world. It in effect united the various jihad outfits in different parts of the world. Most of these groups that lacked potency till then, appeared formidable by coming together. Thus, in the last eight years, the sum of parts of the radical Islam lent an appearance of more than the total.
Third, the extraordinary rise in the oil prices not only boosted the old adversary but also added new rivals soaked in the wealth of petro-dollars. Also billions of dollars wasted in the Iraq war is significantly responsible for the current economic misery.
Last, the biggest folly was to trust Islamabad. At the time of invasion of Iraq, I cautioned the former American ambassador in a gathering at New Delhi that the "United States and its allies cannot win in Afghanistan since they have the lock (Afghanistan) but cannot unlock it as they do not have the key (Pakistan) under their control."
Even today many with the Cold War mindset in the international media wrongly advocate that Kashmir should be resolved -- implying India should resolve it in favour of Pakistan. I would say it is a misplaced approach with counter-productive ramifications. With Asia becoming more and more authoritarian, with Communist China rapidly expanding its influence, with Islamic fundamentalists all over and rearing their heads in Malaysia, with Maoists in control of Kathmandu, and with military dictatorship emerging in Bangladesh, the only option is to expand the influence of the democracies.
Instead of trying to sap New Delhi's will by such proposals, the other democracies should stand by to support spread of democratic set up in Pakistan occupied Kashmir. Handing over Kashmir on the platter to Pakistan will definitely result in another Talibanised and brutal adversary in the neighborhood. Such a step is neither in the interest of multi-cultural India or other democracies.
It is time for Washington to shift gears to win the war!
A few years ago, a Democrat when told in a private conversation that "America cannot win on both fronts," wanted to know the way out. I said: "Since the objective is to decisively defeat radical Islam and not Islamic nations or populations, the Iraq front should be wound up rapidly despite the likely disintegration. Quickly redeploy and concentrate these surplus forces in the Afghanistan-Pakistan region. That is the laboratory of radical Islam and its destruction is central to winning this war."
If the epicentre is busted, the various parts in temporary and weak unity are bound to lose teeth and fall apart. This will reduce terrorism to a localised law and order problem.
The next terrorist attack against the United States or the European Union will be planned and executed in all likelihood from the Afghanistan-Pakistan. region.
Similarly, if ever a nuclear attack through a dirty bomb becomes a reality in the West, it will be handiwork of Pakistan. The West needs to look at the radicalisation inside the Pakistan army and the ISI and work out methods to defang them. For a decisive victory, America will require the unqualified support of its alliance partners. India's support in addition will play a critical role too.
It is also time for New Delhi to rapidly shift gears. Pacifist philosophies may be good for the individual's soul, but are suicidal for nation's security. New Delhi should learn to fight its own wars instead of expecting others to do its dirty work.
To win the war is more crucial for us than the West as the very survival of the Union of India depends on it. While the United States is geographically insulated and located in safe haven, India is not. Pakistan and Bangladesh export radical Islam to India in an effort to destabilise it. China funds movements like Gorkhaland and instigates its proxies. The borders are kept on the boil between China and its proxies while Bangladesh and Pakistan continue to implode India through terrorist acts with impunity. India remains under siege.
New Delhi needs to work out its long-term option with clarity, objectivity and decisiveness in view of the extremely hostile 14,000 kilometres of borders. The other critical element is the substantial Islamic population in India that certain external forces want radicalised to create civil strife. Honestly speaking, given the internal and external security imperatives, non-governance is not an option for New Delhi.
It is often said that nations do not have permanent friends, only permanent interests. In reality, all nations are adversarial to each other. The degree may vary. If national interests demand synergy, they may combine resources for mutual benefit to an optimum period. The synergy to destabilise India by covert means is evident in the collusion between authoritarian regimes of China, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Radical Islam wants to establish a Caliphate while Beijing is determined to tie down New Delhi to ensure its unrivalled top dog status in Asia.
Since they are neighbours, India needs to engage them as constructively as possible, even as they remain inimical to India's interests in many ways. However, they can be dealt from a position of strength alone. This is only possible if we acquire the requisite diplomatic, economic and military prowess.
Therefore, grand strategy dictates that since multiple adversaries on our borders are in collusion with each other and pose a combined threat, we should form an alliance with lesser adversary who believes in democracy and are not our neighbours. Today with radical Islam threatening all democracies, there is implicit synergy and commonality of purpose between the West and us that can help each other in variety of ways. Thus, India can gain a larger say in international affairs and develop sufficient economic and military clout to deal confidently with the near abroad.
But in creating alliances, New Delhi must watch its flanks. The recent campaign in the media to jettison Kashmir appears to be orchestrated by external powers to weaken the Union. These games will always be played as the existing hierarchy never wants too many crowding the high table.
In the past eight years, poor generalship in Washington, Brussels and New Delhi is responsible for the resurgence of Al Qaeda and Taliban. However, this war is decisively winnable if the battlefield is correctly identified. The obvious battlefield is Pakistan. It is time, democracies face this simple reality.
Bharat Verma is the Editor, Indian Defence Review
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